ASSESSMENT OF SMALL ARMS PROLIFERATION IN NORTHERN NIGERIA, IT IMPLICATION ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

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ASSESSMENT OF SMALL ARMS PROLIFERATION IN NORTHERN NIGERIA, IT IMPLICATION ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

In theory, human activities can take two polar categories: pure anarchy and/or randomness, and rule following (Simpson in Croft, 1996: vii). The link between groups, communities and even states conventionally have been regarded as operating more at the anarchic (crisis) end of this scope than through adherence to rules of behaviour. Okoye (2006:6) observes that, ‘no man is an island unto himself’, for people interact at the social, rational and mental levels of existence in real life. This social interaction  results in inter personal, intra and inter-family, inter- communal, national and international interests, needs, prejudices and frustrations that invariably result in conflict, dispute, clashes and sorrow, which occasioned tension (conflict). The above statement indicates the imperativeness of conflicts in human society. Consequently, polities have sought from their inception to make those relationships and interactions both more predictable and less prone to stimulating conflicts. However, the reverse has often been the case as the world continues to witness various forms of conflict as a result of competing interests, values and ideologies. Oke (2002:1) observes that “the incompatibility of these interests and the need to protect core values created conflicts”.

Thus, crisis as manifested in the form of conventional crime, political instability, economic depression, religious and sectarian disturbances, inter and intra-state is as normal in society as most other phenomena. One of the basic tools man invented in his quest for survival is the weapon. Society grows through the process of socialization of their young ones who are taught to imbibe the basic behavioural values and technology which are subsequently pass on from generation to the other. In this way, young members get socially equipped with the technology of inventing and using tools including their numerous values like conflicts (Bassey and Oshita, 2007:62). This means that crisis has becomes part of the values that older individuals in the society pass on to their young ones. In this direction, every member of society must satisfactorily be equipped to identify, appreciate, manage and even profit from the phenomenon of conflict. In this way, conflict contains both positive and negative values. It must therefore be managed or resolved in such a way as to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs. It is therefore not surprising that Bohanan (1967: xii) observes that conflict is useful and that society is worse-off in its total absence. “Any attempt to totally suppress conflict can lead to anarchy as total lack of control or management of it can also lead to anarchy” (Bassey and Oshita, 2007:62). Thus, in order for society to attain its goals and develop, it needs some quantum of harmony and disharmony, association and competition, discord and accord, peace and conflict. To this extent, conflict is normal, essential and desirable feature of any society (Alemika, 1998 in Bassey and Oshita, 2007:62).

However, it is necessary to note that if crisis assumes a pathological state, its adverse consequences can in fact cause serious damages on individual lives and property as well as threaten the corporate existence of communities, nations, continents and the world at large. The present scenario in Africa (Nigeria inclusive) is a typical example of how far conflict can destroy human lives and inflict social, economic, political and psychological misery on those who remain alive.

Ethno-religion, one of the most personal, but emotive phenomena, is an important area that generates the most pervasive conflict, the resolution of which can hardly be effected durably (Bassey and Oshita, 2007:57). Examples of these abound inherently, in recurrent cycles of the Arab-Israeli question. The Balkans question that overflowed in the break-up of Yugoslavia, and even the former Soviet Union, with their smothering after-shocks, continues to leave tales of woe, the resolution of which can be hardly predicted.

Furthermore, the Indian and Pakistani subcontinent, with their multi-religious Hinduism, Buddhism, etc, Afghanistan, with mainly Sunnite Moslems majority, whose coexistence with minority Shiite Moslems, on the one hand and Hinduism on the other, have continued to be flash-points and epicenters of religious conflict. Such religion-political subtleties seem to have entangled the Taliban with Bin Laden/terrorism, and which, at the end of the day, culminated in the United States bombing of the war-torn Afghanistan.

Emerson (2009:1) also pointed out that radical Islamic influence was the cause of September,

11 2001 bomb blast of World Trade Centre in United States, and the Madrid bombing of March, 2004. According to him, the issue of the riots in Paris suburbs and other urban centers

in November to December, 2005 and the London bombing of July 2005 were not

Unconnected  with  the radical Islamic influence. The actors of these violent conflicts are the Muslim minorities and the Europeans. Peaceful coexistence thus continues to be elusive because of religious fundamentalism and the propensity to language of violence. Good neighborliness and other peaceful co-existential imperatives are a language that is beyond the comprehension of extremists, and therefore the continuous developmental deficits as part of their evolving culture (Bassey and Oshita, 2007:58).

There is no doubt that Africa has not been at peace upwards of a century. Conflicts seem to be a recurring decimal in Africa both between various countries and with the various countries that make up the continent. From the North to the South and from the West to the

East of the continent, conflicts have become more or less the norm. Tandon (1999) quoted in (Bassey and Oshita, 2007:63) for instance, notes that since 1970 more than 30 wars have been fought in Africa. Most of these have been internal rather than inter-state wars. He further notes that in 1996 alone, about 14 of the 53 countries of Africa were engaged in one form of armed conflict or the other with a resultant refugee population of over 80 million.

The countries that have suffered most from these wars include Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi,

Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Senegal, Guinea, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somali, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Nigeria, etc. Most of these wars have been characterized by extreme brutality. In Rwanda alone, in a matter of 100 days, about a million people were massacred, a scale of killing that is almost unprecedented in world history (Tandon, 1999 in Bassey and Oshita, 2007:63). Some of these conflicts are either ethnic or religious in nature.

Nigeria, like other African countries has been bedevilled by several forms of conflicts that have posed a mortal challenge to the state and its structures. Nearly every part of Nigeria has experienced one form of crises or the other with attendant consequences. For instance, the peasant-oriented conflicts and riots that are currently ranging in Nasarawa State which have both ethnic and religious causes, remote and immediate though predicated on the recurrent land question between the Tiv of Benue State and their host (Hausa) community in Nasarawa. Other conflict flash-points in the country include the endemic and prolonged Ife-

Modakeke imbroglio,  the communal conflict in Shagamu, Lagos in the South-west, In the South-east, the Aguleri-Umohia/Anan conflict which is most noticeable. In the South-South, the communal and oil-induced conflict in the Niger-Delta also increased in scope and intensity, and the Ogoni crises, which almost lead to complete annihilation of Odi Township.

In Northern Nigeria, we have been faced with a more devastating situation. Some communities, ethnic and religious groups that have shared centuries of peaceful co-existence have pitched against one another as enemies. This enmity has often times degenerated to a situation where whole communities are sacked, burnt down or completely devastated. So many lives and properties worth billions of Naira have been lost or destroyed in the process.

Most of these conflicts have both ethnic and religious colorations. For instance, in the former Plateau State before it was divided into Plateau and Nasarawa States there had been many conflicts rooted in intra and inter-ethnic differences. These include the Tiv and Awe communities, Bassa and Egbira communities, Jassawa and indigenes of Jos, Doma and Tiv communities, and Gbagi and Agatu communities. The recent crises in present day Plateau State is also worthy of note. There have also been very serious conflicts with ethnic and religious colorations in the following areas: Maiduguri in 1980, Yola crises in 1984, Gombe in 1985 and Kano in 1994 and another in the same 1999 (Okoye, 2000: xv).

Apart from Kano State, Kaduna State has registered more than any other city in Nigeria a superlative number of ethno-religious disturbances ever in the history of Nigeria (IkejianiClark, 2007:526). In Kaduna State, there have been conflicts leading to loss of lives and destruction of properties in Kasuwan Magani in 1980, Kaduna in 1982, Gure/Kahugu in

1986, Kafanchan in 1987, Kaduna in 1987 and Zango Kataf in 1992, Kafanchan in 1999 and

Kaduna, Kachia and Birnin Gwari in February 2000 (Okoye, 2000:xii-xiv), and in 2002 (occasioned by the introduction of Sharia legal system and the Miss World saga respectively).During these periods, many people were killed, houses burnt, properties destroyed, and several people were displaced. The frequency and enormity of these conflicts have foisted a general threat to the security of the citizens, which are not only affecting national but also economic activities of the state, given the manifestation of illegal small arms.

Today, the power of the state is gradually becoming weakened. This may be so because, presently a lot of weapons (particularly small arms) have illegally found their way into the hands of non-state actors, whose motives and intensions are at variance with those of the state. Consequently, arms that were originally intended for the protection of nation-states have become major source of internal threat. Oke (2002:2) pointed out that, “while there has been a noticeable decrease in the number of armed conflict between states within the past 25 years, the number of intra-state conflict appears to be on the increase”. He argues that, out of the 108 armed conflicts since the cold war, 101 have been fought within, rather than between states, and all have been fought with small arms.

Small arm is a generic term covering weapons which may be carried by a man. According to Smith and Haslam (1982:195), “small arms are weapons which are generally man-portable and fire flat trajectory profile. Normally they are considered to calibres less than 12.7mm”. Their unique characteristics have made their proliferation a very lucrative business world-wide, being compact, powerful, highly destructive, relatively inexpensive and easy to operate, conceal, and transport. It is believed that, “more than 500 million small arms are in existence globally, and these are produced in large numbers in over 70 countries” (Ariahu, 2005:2).

From the end of the World War II to the beginning of Cold War, attention of international community was on control and elimination of weapons of mass destruction. This was evident in the number of negotiations and treaties reached. Little attention was then paid to small arms. As Vogts (1980:64) pointed out, small arms appear to be almost the least in the order of UN priorities in disarmament negotiations:

  • Nuclear weapons
  • Chemical weapons
  • Incendiary weapons
  • Other weapons of mass destruction
  • Conventional weapons, and Ø Reduction of armed forces.

However, since the Cold War, small arms have attracted increasing scholarly and policy attention, primarily because of growing number of intra-state conflicts and the destructive and destabilising effects in these conflicts. The 50,000,000 who have died in wars since the Cold War were killed by small arms (Awake, 2001:5). Nigeria is one of such countries that have experienced ethno-religious crises and other hideous crimes, including the current waves of political violence, involving the use of these dangerous weapons.

Realizing the destructive effects of small arms, given the numerous conflicts world over, several steps were taken to control the trafficking, proliferation and use of small arms. Such steps were taken at international, regional/sub-regional and national levels. For instance, the United Nations Programmes of Action on Small Arms(UNPOSA), the African Union, ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their Ammunitions and other Related Materials (ECSALWRM), and as well as a coalition of country-based NGO, the Nigeria Action Network on Small Arms (NANSA), sharing information and harnessing support from civil society groups.

Yet, small arms trafficking, proliferation and misuse continue unabated as intra-conflicts continue. Their availability continues not only to fuel crises but have dominant and destabilizing effects in ethno-religious crises, particularly in Kaduna state where most of such violence have taken place over the years.

                                                1.2          Statement of the Problem

In the last two decades, the West African sub-region has been plagued with intra-state conflicts. Political, ethnic and religious clashes were common in most countries in the sub region, with some escalating to full scale civil war as in Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Sudan, Cote d’Ivoire, etc, bringing with them death, destruction and despair to the citizenry. The trend seems to suggest that intra-state conflicts have not only remained violent and protracted, they seem to defy existing policy responses and peace building efforts of civil society groups.

Violent communal conflicts are a regular feature of social life in Nigeria, especially since 1960s. These conflicts according to Otite and Albert (1999:86) result from different value systems, aggressive competition for land, water and political resources, and unhealthy competition of some leaders. There is hardly a year when there is no major violent community conflict in Nigeria. As observed by Best (2006:422), one could be alarmed of the multitude of conflicts that need to be solved in our polity. Conflict in this respect, especially in Northern part of the country varied in scope, intensity and nature, and has taken immeasurable toll on human lives, living many dead, maimed and numerous others displaced.

The nature, scale and dimension of conflicts vary according to the issues involved in relation to the cultures concerned. That is to say, conflicts take different forms depending on their specific contexts. This is central to many cases of conflicts in Kaduna State. For instance, “the struggle of ethnic minorities framed by their experience of domination, tends to be targeted primarily against the Hausa/Fulani, and indirectly against the Nigerian state” (Best, 2006:422). Best pointed out that,  conflicts of this nature which have turned Kaduna city and rural locations within the state into killing fields seem to have been fought by minority groups who perceive their relationship with the majority group at state and local levels, the former seeing their relationship with the later as ‘internal colony’ . Consequently, demands have centred on issues of access to power and opportunities as well as demands for cultural autonomy.

More often than not in Kaduna State, when conflicts of this nature erupt and spread, they tend to assume religious dimension, given the long time antagonism between the major religions in the state. Kaduna more than any city in Nigeria, seems to have become what Agbese (2002:12) referred to as ‘hot bed’ constantly generating religious crises of high magnitude. In this vein, it may be right to say that in Kaduna State, the two major religions that have always been in constant crises and conflicts are Islam and Christianity, especially as their beliefs and religious practices seem to run counter to each other. In the quest to assert their relevance, there are bound to be skirmishes which naturally end up in violent religious crises. These struggles for relevance have tended to pose a mortal challenge to the state and its structures. They have also led to destruction of lives and properties and displacement of people. Most of the injuries and deaths recorded in these conflicts are caused by small arms and light weapons illegally acquired.

Nigeria given its strategic position and role in West Africa sub-region has become a receptacle of arms flowing from war-torn West African countries. The sources and level of these illegal small arms in circulation in Nigeria can hardly be ascertained. It is believed that the frequency of political and ethno-religious violence has led to arms build-up in the country. Police records show that between 1990 and 1999, 12,000 people were arrested in different parts of the country in possession of prohibited fire-arms. In Aba for instance, it was estimated that one in ten adults in the town owned a gun either for self-defence or for criminal purposes. In Lagos, more than 6,000 rifles, pistols as well as about 20,000 rounds of ammunition were seized by security agents between 1996 and 1999 (Obasi, 2002:80). As from January to September 2007 alone, the Inspector General of Police, Mike Okiro, revealed that about 1,582 arms and 6,614 rounds of ammunition were recovered from various parts of the country (NTA Network News, 4 September 2007). Local observers have estimated that few thousand weapons melted down from the cameras is only a fraction of the number of weapons in circulation.

Proliferation and use of illegal small arms tends to have impacted negatively on conflicts all over the world. In event of conflicts, the flagrant use of these arms illegally acquired cannot be over emphasised. They are believed to be responsible for the continuing conflicts in Nigeria, and have sent a large population to their early graves. In Kaduna State, the availability and use of these weapons is believed not only to fuels ethno-religious conflicts, but may have prominent and destabilizing impacts on ethno-religious conflicts, with untold consequences on development. This may be so because, frequent ethnic and religious conflicts in the state have witnessed the use of these weapons, sometimes involving highly sophisticated ones suitable for external defence. It is not easy to quantify the level of destruction to lives and property, however, the clash in 2000 between Muslims and

Christians over the implementation of Sharia resulted in massive loss of lives and property.

The accompanying riots in Kaduna town in which many lives and property worth billions of Naira have been lost and destroyed, are worthy of note. It may be difficult to quantify the number of people that died because, government and other security agencies do underplay the number of casualties and extent of destruction to properties, however, it is believed by the public that nothing less than 5,000 people died, over 42,000 people were displaced and properties worth billions of Naira were destroyed during the 2000 crises alone (Okoye, 2002:128).Could the extent of these destructions have been possible if arms are not available for use? Some observers believe that the enormity of these may not be unconnected with the availability and fragrant use of these arms illegally acquired. More worrisome is the sense of insecurity created and reinforced by this situation. Proliferation of illegal small arms thus, tends to contribute to culture of violence and a cycle that is difficult to break. Owing to the vicious cycle of conflict and prevalent insecurity, Kaduna State like other parts of the country is now believed to have been plagued by massive arms.

Realising the destructive impacts of illegal small arms, the government made several attempts to control their circulation and use. For instance, as part of the country’s efforts at sensitising the public to the emerging threat of illegal small arms, public burning and destruction of assorted seized weapons were carried out in Lagos and Kaduna on 9th July

2001 (This day Lagos, Nigeria. 13th July 2001). Above this, there are legislations to regulate the use of firearms, e.g. the Firearms Act 1958, Sections 403B and 428 of the Criminal Code Act (Oke, 2002:49).

In spite of these attempts, proliferation and use of these offensive weapons continue unabated. This therefore appears to show that the entire situation have surpassed government solutions. What then is responsible for this? Perhaps, more distressing is the absence of any form of government reconciliation and weapons collection programmes in the state. Most often government seems to rely on the use of security outfit to subdue conflicts or restore peace, which in public view is a palliative measure. This may be so because, even when the fighting parties lay down their arms, probably due to the presence of security men, “the intervals during conflicts are often not used for reconciliation but for armaments and preparations for the next round” (Okoye, 2000:167). And because the warring parties retreated to their bedrooms does not imply peace or absence of arms. Since the obvious causes of conflicts in society tend to be rooted in religious, economic and social inequalities and imbalance among people of same community, which are often not properly resolved, it is possible to anticipate particular eruptions. The desire then may be to keep these weapons in case of a relapse.

It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to examine the nature of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna State, identify the sources of illegal small arms and ascertain its impacts on ethno-religious conflicts, with the view to proffering useful suggestions.

                                                1.3       Research Questions

Answers to the following research questions were sought in this study.

  1. What is the nature of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis?
  2. What are the sources of illegal small arms in Kaduna metropolis?
  3. What are the impacts of proliferation of illegal small arms on ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis?
  4. What possible measures can be taken to reduce ethno-religious conflicts and

proliferation of illegal small arms

                                                1.4.1    Aim and Objectives

The aim of this study is to shed light on the perception of people on proliferation of illegal small arms and its impacts on ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis, with view to proffering possible solutions. These were accomplished through the following research objectives:

  1. To examine the nature of ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis.

2       To identify the sources of illegal small arms in Kaduna metropolis.

  1. To ascertain the impacts of proliferation of illegal smalls arms on ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis.
  2. To suggest ways in which incidences of ethno-religious violence, and proliferation and use of illegal small arms can be reduced to ensure peace and security of the State.

                                                1.5    Significance of the Study

This study seeks to shed light on the perception of people on proliferation of illegal small arms and its impacts on ethno-religious conflicts in Kaduna metropolis, and produce a stimulating analysis which can be used in several ways.

Proliferation of illegal small arms and ethno-religious conflicts have been receiving coverage in many books, magazines, newspapers and journals. In addition to these existing literatures, this study provides an essential background to further understanding of salient issues of today.

It also offers interesting basis for policy makers and relevant institutions to fashion out a framework for thinking about how the problems of incessant conflicts can be handled in order to curtail proliferation of illegal small arms and their misuse.

Finally, this work does not claim to be exhaustive, nonetheless, it serves not only as reference material, but the findings will be of tremendous help to other bodies and researchers who may wish to carry out further investigations in this particular field.

                                                1.6    Scope or delimitation of the study

This study covers the period between 2000 and 2002. It was limited only to Kaduna State, particularly Kaduna metropolis given the frequent occurrence of ethno-religious violence in the area, and the fragile relationship and pent-up tension culminating in residents living in perpetual fear and expectation of likely out break of violence at any time. While in the metropolis, attention was limited to the police whose duty is to curtail crises and violent crimes, and the general public who are at the receiving end. Consequently, the research focused mainly on perception of people on proliferation of illegal small arms and its impacts on ethno-religious conflicts.

Further more, research of this nature is usually threatened by certain problems, such as time factor and economic problems, as regard obtaining vital information, that is, in terms of data gathering. For these reasons, this study was limited to the available information (primary and secondary data) at the disposal of the researcher. However, the results obtained were generalised.

ASSESSMENT OF SMALL ARMS PROLIFERATION IN NORTHERN NIGERIA, IT IMPLICATION ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

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